Museum Media. Группа авторов

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very few video testimonies from the entire collections enter museums’ exhibition halls – and only short clips of those video testimonies. Museum visitors’ attention span is short. Multiple objects, texts, and other information sources demand their attention. The video testimonies for museums are, therefore, generally cut to a length of a few minutes or even seconds. Out of the whole collection, the most interesting stories and the best storytellers tend to be chosen. Occasionally, in museums where the video testimonies are produced directly for the exhibitions, interviewers even try to extract the most “exhibitable” stories from the witnesses to history during the interview process itself (De Jong 2011b, 259; 2012, 302–303). In museums, visitors are presented with the highlights, with the most eloquent witnesses to history and with the most interesting or affective stories.

      This process of selection is not different from the process of selection of other museum objects. In the case of video testimonies, however, it does raise urgent ethical questions. Is it permissible only to use extracts from entire testimonies and only to present to the visitors some of the witnesses to history? Exhibiting video testimonies always means making a compromise between the needs of the visitors and the video testimonies as ethically fragile sources. Curators are aware of this dilemma. Thus, Suzanne Bardgett of the Imperial War Museum observes that, “to our intense relief, the survivors liked the way their testimonies had been used and understood the reasons for their ‘fragmentation’” (Bardgett, n.d.). Exactly because of these ethical questions, the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin decided against using video testimonies in its exhibition. Instead, visitors are given the opportunity to watch entire video testimonies from the collection of the Fortunoff Institute in a separate room (Baranowski 2009).

      If they are exhibited, video testimonies occupy a rather peculiar position among the things shown in an exhibition. For museum exhibitions, Roger Fayet proposes a distinction between primary, secondary, and tertiary museum objects (2007, 24). Primary museum objects are the things and artworks that are exhibited. Secondary museum objects are the “models, replicas, reconstructions or visual representations as well as textual information” (Fayet 2007, 26) that are used to explain to the visitors how they should read the primary museum objects and what they are supposed to represent. Tertiary museum objects are objects that are in the museum, that do not directly have relevance for the exhibition, but that nevertheless influence the way in which the exhibition is received by the visitors – such as CCTV cameras, signs for emergency exits, or fire extinguishers. Video testimonies are generally used as a combination of the three: they stand for themselves as self-explanatory museum objects; they serve as secondary museum objects for other objects; and the choice of device on which they are shown and their aesthetics have some bearing on the reception of the exhibition by the visitors. Using selected examples, in what follows I will reflect on those three functions of video testimonies in more depth.

      In most museums however, video testimonies are shown in conjunction with material objects, documents, and pictures. They are placed in relation to the latter and used to comment on them. For the objects in what he calls “memorial museums,” Paul Williams has observed that, “in a sense, it is the story that is the object, insofar as it is not the item itself that is distinctive, but the associated history to which it is attached” (2007, 133).

      This accounts for most objects in museums of contemporary history. Video testimonies are a particularly pertinent means to reveal this story. Thus, the Jewish Museum in London, for example, has based its exhibition chapter on the Holocaust almost exclusively on the story of Leon Greenman, a survivor of six concentration camps whose wife and son died in Auschwitz. In the middle of the exhibition, a glass case shows some personal belongings of Greenman and his family such as his son’s toy truck, his wife’s wedding dress, and his camp uniform. In the film, Greenman talks about these objects. As I have shown elsewhere with reference to examples in Yad Vashem and in the Bergen-Belsen Memorial, the objects and the video testimonies are here placed in a relationship of mutual authentication (De Jong 2011b; 2012; 2013).

      As observed above, witnesses to history have been accepted as legitimate carriers of cultural memory. This legitimation is based on the perceived authenticity of their testimonies. Witnesses to history have physically been at the events on which they give testimony. Their presence in time and place authenticates their testimonies given subsequently. In the case of video testimonies with Holocaust survivors such as Leon Greenman, the “authentic” character of the testimonies is reinforced by the extraordinary brutality of their experiences. “While treacherous happiness is easily suspected to be a masquerade, in pain, man appears as an untainted being that is not bound to any rules of orchestration,” observes Helmut Lethen (1996, 221). The suffering of Holocaust survivors is supposed to have left uncontrollable traces on their psyche – it is supposed to have traumatized them. The most pertinent extra-verbal expressions of testimony referred to above – such as tears, lapsing into silence, and uncontrollable twitches – are interpreted as an expression of this trauma (De Jong 2013, 23). The juxtaposition of objects and video testimonies in which witnesses to history speak about those objects duplicates the “authentic” character both of the witnesses to history and of the objects. The material reality of the objects and the represented authenticity of the video testimonies meld. We believe Greenman’s story because we see the historical objects, while the testimony authenticates the objects as originals.

      FIGURE 4.3 View of exhibition section on the beat generation in the Haus der Geschichte.

      © Steffi de Jong.

      Generally, however, the link between video testimonies and objects is less direct – but no less effective for that. In the Haus der Geschichte in Bonn, visitors are presented with video testimonies on topics like the end of World War II, flight and displacement, the June 17, 1953 uprising in East Germany, or the construction of the Berlin Wall, and also, for example, the foundation of the Green Party or the beat generation. The most prominent object in the exhibition section on the beat generation is a pink VW bus with a rainbow ceiling. On the wall, videos show popular bands of the time, fashion shows, important political events such as the Vietnam War, influential figures like Martin Luther King, Jr., and Che Guevara, as well as student demonstrations (see Figure 4.3). Through different sensory means, the visitor is affectively drawn into the time of the flower-power generation.

      A combination of original objects, film footage, and video testimonies is often supposed to create an “authentic” experience for visitors. They are invited to become witnesses to history themselves. Thus, Dorit Harel, who designed the new exhibition in Yad Vashem, writes of one of the many reconstructions in the museum that “authentic cobblestones of Leszno Street in the Warsaw Ghetto, surrounded by its sights and sounds, authentic artefacts, enlarged film-montage from the period, blow-up photographs, and other multidisciplinary means ... generate an experience that is close to authentic” (2010, 42).

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