Industrial Democracy. Sidney Webb

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Industrial Democracy - Sidney Webb

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in 300 different towns. In view of the increasing

      54 Trade Union Structure

      uniformity of working conditions throughout the country, the concentration of industry in large towns, the growing facili- ties' of travel and the steady multiplication of salaried local officials,' we do not ourselves regard the geographical difficulty as insuperable. But it is easy to understand why, with so large a number of isolated branches, it has not yet seemed practicable to constitutional reformers in the building or the engineering trades, to have frequent meetings of repre- sentative assemblies.

      The tardiness and incompleteness with which Trade" Unions have adopted representative institutions is mainly due to a more general cause. The workman has been slow to recognise the special function of the representative "vtC^ democracy. In the early constitutional ideals of Trade Unionism the representative finds, as we have seen, absolutely no place. The committee-man elected by rotation of offic e o r the de leg ate deputed to take part in a revision of ru les wa s habitua lly re garded only as a vehicle by which "t he voices " could be mecha nically conv eyed. His task required, therefore, no special qualification beyond intelligence to comprehend his instructions and a spirit of obedience in carrying them out. Very different is the duty cast upon the representative in such modern Trade Union constitutions_ as those of the Cotton Operatives and Coalminers. His 'main function is still to express the mind of the average man. But unlike the delegate, he is not a mechanica l yehicle of votes on particular subjects. The ordinary Trg.^e ' Unionist has but little facility in expressing his desires ; unversed in the technicalities of administration, he is unable to judge by what particular expedient his grievances can best be remedied. In default of an expert representative he has to depend on the professional administrator. But for this particular task the professional administrator is no more competent than the ordinary man, though for a different reason. The very apartness of hi s life fro m that of th e avera ge workman depr ives him of close acquaintan ce with th e actua l gr ievances of the mass of the people. Immersed

      Representative Institutions 55

      in office routine, he is apt to fail to understand from their inconsistent complaints and impracticable suggestions what it is they really desire. [To act as an interpreter between the people and their servants is, therefore, the first function of the representative.

      But this is only half of his duty. To him is entrusted also the difficult and delicate task of CQiitrQlling-.±he_ pro-, fe ssional expert s.) Here, as we have seen, the ordinary man completely breaks down. The task, to begin with, requires a certain familiarity with the machinery of government, and a sacrifice of time and a concentration of thought out of the reach of the average man absorbed in gaining his daily bread. So much is this the case that when the administra- tion is complicated, a further specialisation is found necessary, I and the representative assembly itself chooses a cabinet, or executive committee of men specially qualified for this duty. A large measure of intuitive capacity to make a wise choic'ei of men is, therefore, necessary even in the ordinary repre- sentative. Finally, there comes the important duty qt- deciding upon questions of policy or tactics. The ordinkry citizen thinks of nothing but clear issues on broad lines. The representative, on the other hand, finds himself con-*' stantly called upon to choose between the nicely balanced expediencies of compromise necessitated by the complicated facts of practical life. On his shrewd judgment of actual circumstances will depend his success in obtaining, not all that his constituents desire—for that he will quickly recognise as Utopian—but the largest instalment of those desires that may be then and there possible.

      To construct a perfect representative assembly can, therefore, never be an easy task ; and in a community ex- clusively composed of manual workers dependent on weekly wages, the task is one of exceptional difficulty. A community of bankers and business entrepreneurs finds it easy to secure a representative committee to direct and control the paid officials whom it engages to protect its interests. Constituents, representatives and officials are

      56 Trade Union Structure

      living much the same life, are surrounded by the same intellectual atmosphere, have received approximately the same kind of education and mental training, and are con- stantly engaged in one variety or another of what is essentially the same work of direction and control, More-

      'over, there is no lack of persons able to give the necessary time and thought to expressing the desires of their class and to seeing that they are satisfied. It is, therefore, not surprising that representative institutions should be seen at their best in middle- class communities.^ In all these

      ^respects the manual workers stand at a grave disadvantage. Whatever may be the natural endowment of the workman selected by his comrades to serve as a representative, he starts unequipped with that special training and that general familiarity with administration which will alone enable him to be a competent critic and director of the expert pro-

      /fessional. Before he can place himself on a level with tS? trained official whom he has to control he must devote his whole time and thought to his new duties, and must there- fore give up his old trade. This unfortunately tends to alter his manner of life, his habit of mind, and usually also" his intellectual atmosphere to such an extent that he gradually loses that 'vivid appreciation of the feelings of the man at the bench or the forge, which it is his function to express. There is a certain cruel irony in the problem which accounts, we think, for some of the unconscious exasperation of the wage-ear ners all over the world against representative institutions. pDirectly the working - man representative becomes properly equipped for one -half of] his duties, he ceases to be specially qualified for the other. If he remains essentially a manual worker, he fails to cope with the brain-working officials ; if he takes on the character of the brain-worker, he is apt to get out of touch with the constituents whose desires he has to interpretl It will, therefore, be interesting to see how the shrewd workmen of

      .1 In this connection see the 'interesting suggestions of Achille Loria, Les Baits Economiques de la Constitution Sociale (Paris, 1893), pp. 150–154.

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      Lancashire, Yorkshire, and the Midlands have surmounted this constitutional difficulty.

      In the parliaments of the Cotton-spinners and Coalminers we find habitually two classes of members, salaried officials| of the several districts, and representative wage-earners still working at the mule or in the mine. It would almost seeffr as if these modern organisations had consciously recognised the impossibility of combining in any individual representa- tive both of the requirements that we have specified. As it is, the presence in their assemblies of a large proportion of men who are still following their trade imports into their deliberations the full flavor^ of working-class sentiment. And the association, with these picked men from each industrial village, of the salaried officers from each county, secures that combination 0/ knowledge, ability, and practical experience in administration,'which is, as we have suggested, absolutely i iydispensab le for the exercise of control over the professional experts, irthe constituencies elected none but their fellow - w brker s. it is more than doubtful whether the representative assembly so created would be competent for its task. If, on the other hand, the assembly consisted merely of a conference of s alaried o fficials, appointing one or more of themselves to carry out the national work of the federation, it would inevitably fail to retain the confidence, even if it continued to express the desires of the members at large. J'he conjunction of the two elements in the sanie repre- sentative assembly h'asTn practice resulted in a very efficient working bodyjj

      It is important to notice that in each of the trades the success of the experiment hasjdsperi^ed^n the iact that the organisation is formed on a (federal basis^ The constituent bodies of the Miners' Federation and the Amalgamated Association of Operative Cotton - spinners have their separate constitutions, their distinct funds, and their own official staffs. The salaried officers whom they elect to sit as representatives in the federal

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