The Politics of Incremental Progressivism. Группа авторов

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new concession format under Suplicy brought GPS control and better service monitoring at landfills. Chapter 7; Santos and Gonçalves‐Dias (2012); Silva (2010); Marin (2016) expand to slums Started under Erundina, reduced under Maluf and Pitta and boosted under Suplicy, remaining in action afterwards Chapter 7; Marques and Saraiva (2005) recycling with pickers Started timidly under Erundina, entered policy discussions under Suplicy but was never really structured as a strong program. In 2010, the National Solid Waste Policy created incentives and sanctions for waste pickers' inclusion, but still with timid and few concrete results. Chapter 7; Santos and Gonçalves‐Dias (2012) creation of a collection fare Created with the new concession under Suplicy to finance the system, it was extinct by Serra. Since then, no mayor was capable of even bringing this subject up to discussion, although several Brazilian capitals have waste collection fares. Chapter 7; Godoy (2015) Housing construction of new units Traditional solution developed in all governments. Under Kassab and Haddad, production increased due to the federal program Minha Casa Minha Vida Chapter 8; Marques and Rodrigues (2016) better located projects The Erundina government had this as a main preoccupation. This returned with less strength under Suplicy Chapter 8; Bonduki (2000) slum upgrading Covas started, but in a disarticulated way. It became real in situ slum upgrading with Erundina and worked that way under Suplicy, Kassab and at the end of Haddad Maluf and Pitta developed a diminished and downgraded version of it. Chapter 8; Bueno (2000); Denaldi (2003); Samora (2009); Akaishi et al. (2018) settlement regularization Erundina started, Pitta restarted and Suplicy continued it. Serra and Kassab strongly reduced, but at the end of Haddad it recovered speed. Chapter 8; Mori (2000) self‐help coproduction projects Erundina created, Suplicy restarted, as well as Haddad at the end of the government Chapter 8, Lopes (2011), Amaral (2002) central city housing Erundina started as a pilot, Suplicy retook it, as Haddad at the end of the government. With Serra and Kassab, the state agency did some of it. Chapter 8; Menna Barreto (2000); Souza (2011) social rent Suplicy started and Haddad also developed it, but it never became a regular and stable program. Chapter 8; Menna Barreto (2000) Development regulation better regulation/less corruption Sectoral reform was discussed in the Suplicy government, but completely implemented under Haddad. Chapter 9; Hoyler (2014); Nery (2002) Urban renewalOI/UO include social housing Suplicy started the 10% rule and Haddad increased it to 25%. Maluf and Pitta built projects in IO but they are included under construction of new housing Chapter 10; Bonduki (2010); Pagin (2017); Sarue (2015) heterogeneous perimeters Erundina (Centro), Suplicy (Água Espraiada) and Haddad (Água Branca) all did it. Maluf did it in a lower degree (Faria Lima) Chapter 10; Chapter 11; Bonduki (2010); Castro (2016); Menegon (2008) extract larger surpluses Although always present, this was boasted with the development of the Cepacs in Suplicy government Chapter 10; Chapter 11; Bonduki (2010); Pagin (2017); Sarue (2015) more participation Started under Suplicy (Água Espraiada) and it was boasted under Haddad (Água Branca) Chapter 10; Castro (2016); Menegon (2008) Subway single fare (not by distance) Always present, since the 1970s. Chapter 6; Lagonegro (2004) start builing new lines to peripheries The first peripheral line (line 3) was built in the 1970s, before our period. In our period, just Line 5 ‐ Lilac. First phase in 1998 (Covas) and second in 2009 (Serra) Costanzo (2017); Chapter 4; Chapter 6; Villaça and Zione (2005); Maia (1989) smart card (integration) Started under Alckmin, with Serra as mayor, when both the city and the state were governed by the same party. Costanzo (2017); Chapter 6; De Paula (2014) creation of free passes Started in 1975 for students (50% discount). Then for elderly in 1985 (Montoro, but later became a constitutional right in 1988), then in 1990 for unemployed (Quercia), in 1992 for handicapped (Fleury) and in 2015 for low‐income students (Alckmin). Sometimes before buses, but also after them. Chapter 6; 1998 Federal Constitution; Municipal Laws (10.854/90; 11250/92) e decrees (28.813/90; 29709/91), State laws (5869/87; 32.144/90; 666/91)

      These changes characterize the trajectory of incremental progressivism in São Paulo over the last 30 years. This trajectory was produced

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