of both systems and belong somewhere in between. These systems are called mixed systems. Furthermore, two distinct types can be identified in Sahlin’s ascription leadership system: kingdom and ondoafi.
The major differences between Papuan political systems are the geographical extent of their power and their political orientations. Below I briefly discuss the principle characteristics and major differences among the four most common political systems in Papua.
In big man political systems the leadership position is based on individual achievement. The source of power in this political system is derived from the big man’s personal abilities or achievements, such as success in allocating and distributing wealth, diplomatic or oratory skills, courage on the battlefield, physical strength, or generosity (Sahlins 1963; Koentjaraningrat 1970). Big men characteristically hold a substantial amount of personal power, and have autonomy to make important decisions single-handedly. The Dani, Asmat, Me, Meybrat, and Muyu peoples have big man political systems.
The kingdom system is primarily characterized by ascribed political status or inherited leadership position. Political power is conferred on individuals due to their family membership and birth order. In kingdom systems power is passed patrilineally, and patrilineal lines form traditional bureaucracies in which individuals have clearly-defined roles, responsibilities, and authority. All positions of authority are passed down through the male line, and if a man’s first son is inappropriate for the job, it is passed to another clan member. The kingdom system is common among communities in southwest Papua, including the Raja Ampat Islands, Onin Peninsula (on Bomberai peninsula), McCluer Gulf (Berau Gulf), and Kaimana.
The ondoafi system is similar to the kingdom system in that leadership positions are inherited and traditional bureaucracies are utilized. However, the ondoafi system differs from the kingdom system in its geographic range of power and political orientation. The power of an ondoafi leader is limited to a single village (yo), and the social unit consists of one ethnic group or subgroup. In contrast, the authority of leaders in kingdom systems is not limited to one village, but covers a wider area. Also, in kingdom systems the social units consist of several ethnic groups. Other characteristic of ondoafi is its alliance system, in which several villages act as a unit, trace their ancestry to a single individual, and acknowledge a single leader for the larger community. This "great leader" typically comes from a village in the center of the geographic range encompassed by the larger community. Finally, while the principle focus of the kingdom political system is on trade, in the ondoafi system the center of political orientation is religion. O ndoafi systems are practiced in northeast of Papua, by the people of Sentani, Genyem (Nimboran), Humboldt (Yos Sudarso) Bay, Tabla, Yaona, Yakari-Skou, and Arso-Waris.
The final political system found in Papua is the leadership mixed system, in which leadership is obtained through either inheritance or achievement. In other words, an individual can be a leader based on his personal ability, achievement, or birthright. Leaders that gain their authority based on achievement usually appear during times of stress, such as war, famine, epidemic disease, or cultural decadence. Such leaders are known as situational leaders, since the leader is chosen based on his ability to overcome the particular challenge facing the community. In mixed systems power is usually inherited during "safe" times, when external and internal threats are low. During such stable times, the leaders are chosen from the traditionally powerful family. In contrast to the kingdom and ondoafi systems, bureaucracy is not found in mixed systems. Mixed systems are common in the people who live around Cenderawasih Bay, such as the people of Biak, Wandammen, Waropen, Yawa, and Maya.
Religion and Belief Systems
Before Islam and Christianity were introduced to Papua, each ethnic group had its own traditional belief system. Although traditional belief systems varied among groups, most groups believed in a single Goddess or God that held supreme power over other deities. This God or Goddess had different names in different groups. For example in Biak-Numfoor culture this highest Goddess is called Manseren Nanggi or the Sky God, Moi people recognize Fun Nah, Seget people use the name Fun Naha, Waropen people refer to their supreme god as Naninggi, Wandammen recognize Syen Allah, Marind-Anim people Dema, Asmat people Mbiwiripitsy, and the Me people Ugatame.
Ethnographic accounts of traditional belief systems in Papua indicate that the principal Goddess or the Highest God is considered to be the creator and to have absolute authority over human destiny. In addition, most followers of these traditional religious systems believe that the power of this God is manifest in natural forces, such as wind, rain, and thunder; or believe that the power resides in natural objects near human settlement, such as large trees, streams, river currents or eddies, the bottom of the sea, or certain bays. Since it is believed that these spirits have the power to control people’s lives, they are feared and respected. Various activities express this fear and respect, in the form of offerings and rituals. These behaviors demonstrate an acknowledgement of the existence and power of the spirits and are thought to foster good relationships between humans and the spirits.
The Papuan people also believe that the spirits of dead ancestors are given power by the Creator God to control people that are still alive. Hence, the living must maintain positive relationships with their ancestors to protect themselves from disasters that may occur if deceased relatives are angered. This is the basis for ancestor worship, which is expressed in various forms, for example, the praise of korwar statues and the mon ceremony in Biak-Numfoor culture, the skeleton payment ritual of Meybrat people, the mbis ceremony of the Asmat. Since the arrival of Islam and Christianity traditional practices, including ancestor worship, are becoming less common. However, when traumatic events occur, such as accidents, illness, and death, many Papua people still seek solace and inspiration from traditional practices.
Major religions, such as Islam and Christianity, arrived in Papua at different times. Islam entered Papua first, brought to the Raja Ampat Islands and Fakfak by traders from the Maluku Islands in the 13th century (Leeden 1980). Christianity was introduced to Papua in Mansinam Island on February 5, 1855, by two missionaries, Ottow and Geissler who were sent by the Dutch Bible institution Utrecht-sche Zendingsvereniging (Kamma 1953). Catholicism came to Papua in 1892. Other Christian denominations, such as Pentecostal, Adventist, and Christian and Missionary Alliance (CMA), came to Papua after World War II. Hinduism entered Papua in the 1960s. According to 1980 census data, 12% of Papuans were Islamic (132,930 people), 23% were Catholic (256,209 people), and 65% were from other Christian denominations (768,279 people).
Ecology and Subsistence Systems
In Papua four broad categories of ecological environments can be recognized: swampy areas, coastal lowlands, foothills and small valleys, and highlands (Walker and Mansoben 1990). Each of these zones supports different subsistence systems. In swampy areas people primarily depend on sago as a staple food, supplemented by fish (e.g., Asmat, Mimika, and Waropen). For people living in coastal and riverine zones (e.g., Biak, Wandammen, Moi, Simuri, Maya, the Raja Ampat Islands), fishing, sago cultivation, and agriculture are the primary economic activities, while hunting serves as an alternative strategy. People living in the foothills and small valleys depend primarily on agriculture and sago, supplemented by hunting and animal farming (e.g., Muyu, Genyem, and Arso). Finally, in the highlands, farming and raising pigs is the primary subsistence strategy (e.g., Dani and Me).
The natural environment influences the technological adaptations and culture (e.g., social organization, belief systems) of the people living there. For example, in the highlands zone, communities live in large houses and have relationships with their extended families, forming clan networks and more complex federations (e.g., Dani). In coastal areas, islands, and riverine zones, people tend to live in small, independent, nuclear family groups of four to five individuals (e.g., North Coast; Koentjaraningrat 1970), although some groups (e.g., the people of Kimaam in Kolepom [Yos Sudarso] Island, and Meren-Vlakte) the people live in more extended families (about 10–15 individuals; Koentjaraningrat 1970).
For several decades researchers have examined the relationship between ecological environments and the diversity
