they must only obey cultural rules and laws only if they are being watched by more powerful individuals. Finally, leaders having considerable power to dictate the lives of other community members can reduce the sense of responsibility felt by those with little power (Koentjaraningrat 1974). Although some of the byproducts of such systems (e.g., lack of discipline and responsibility, lack of innovation) are detrimental to community development, there are some positive outcomes as well. For example, a strong leader can efficiently organize and motivate community members to participate in development projects.
A second view of interpersonal relationships has a more horizontal orientation, as noted above. In cultures that hold such beliefs (e.g., Biak), the relationships among the community members in a clan are very strong, and group needs are prioritized above individual needs. Among the clan members, solidarity is high, based on the view that "a part is the whole" (pars-prototo). This view creates a sense of security for clan members because they know that they will always be helped in difficult times. However such a system means that community members have a strong obligation to continually maintain good relationships and share resources with neighbors. This obligation to share means that individuals or communities cannot accumulate or save capital for future investment. Thus, a strong horizontal orientation does not facilitate community development.
WORK ETHIC
A community’s work ethic encapsulates the social norms and general attitudes towards work. In common parlance, work ethic can be defined as the level of enthusiasm and industriousness typical of a person or group. As noted above, Papuan cultures tend to value work highly, and work is thought of as something that produces a product that can be enjoyed by oneself and others. In this view, unproductive people have low social status. However, the definition of productivity varies substantially among groups, based on methods required to make a living in different environments.
The work ethic of communities that live collectively in swampy areas and depend on sago for subsistence (e.g., Asmat, Kamoro, Waropen, Bauzi, and Inawatan) is different from the work ethic of other Papuan people who depend on agriculture. In collective societies the work ethic focuses on efforts to fulfill immediate needs (e.g., collecting enough food for a single day) and does not stress work as an investment in the future. People in these groups do not value hard work beyond what is necessary to enjoy life in the present. This view is quite compatible with their social organization and lifestyle, because each family is an element in a production group in which each family does the same work. Collective societies gather products that are immediately available in nature, and do not need to focus on producing or maintaining the resources they utilize. This work ethic is successful and well-adapted to the ecological conditions under which these societies live, but makes collectively-living communities poorly suited to entering the market economy. Such people require support and training in modern technology to allow them to enter the market economy, and empowerment to manage and harvest their resources in a way that will allow the products to be sold at central markets.
In contrast to collective societies, the people who practice agriculture have a work ethic that is more geared towards investment for anticipated future returns. Opening land for agriculture is a long process that includes tree-cutting, planting, tending gardens, weeding, and harvesting. This process can take from six to ten months, sometimes more, depending on the types of the plants being grown. This protracted process requires perseverance and diligence, and indicates that Papuan agricultural societies have a particularly strong work ethic. It should be noted that this strong work ethic not only results in sustenance for the household, it also provides products for the market economy. The emphasis on investment for the future is an asset to agricultural societies as they enter the market economy.
Many Papuan cultures also are highly competitive. Most Papuan ethnic groups (e.g., Meybrat (Ayamaru), Me, Muyu, Biak, Dani, and Waropen and Serui in Cenderawasih Bay) are inherently competitive. Individuals compete to become powerful and successful members of their groups by accumulating wealth or demonstrating diplomatic expertise, proficiency in warfare, organization abilities, or magical abilities. Therefore Papuans are well-endowed with a competitive spirit, which is valued in the modern world and should prove to be an asset as they enter the global economy.
The challenge now is to determine how to help Papuans enhance these cultural assets and apply them for the development of Papua and the rest of Indonesia.
Culturally-and Ecologically-sensitive Development
One important issue is ascertaining how to help develop and empower Papuan people in a climate that is so ethnically and culturally diverse. Clearly, the correct approaches will depend heavily on the particular situation and society, on the ethnic, religious, and economic status of communities, and the type of development program to be conducted.
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