Ecology of Indonesian Papua Part One. Andrew J. Marshall

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Papuan people. J. van Baal observed that Papuan people who subsist on sago in swampy and riverine zones tend to have larger and more frequent celebratory religious ceremonies compared to the Papuan people who eat root plants or live in the highland zone, and implied that the complexity of rituals and belief systems of the Papuan people is influenced by environmental conditions. Ecological factors also influence the degree of mobility of groups. V. de Bruijn suggested that the inability of the Biak-Numfoor Islands to support people led the communities that lived there to sail, trade, and headhunt along the coasts of north coastal Papua and eastern Indonesia (Maluku and Sulawesi Islands), following which they resettled in various places in north coastal Papua (e.g., Vogelkop, Raja Ampat Islands, Halmahera; de Bruijn 1959). Similarly, W. H. K. Feuilletau de Bruijn argued that the ecology of the Biak-Numfoor Islands prohibited productive farming, and led the peoples living there to develop a more advanced knowledge of astronomy and boat building than is found anywhere else in Papua.

      Population Distribution

      Census data from 1995 showed that Papua was inhabited by 2,031,620 people, 27% of whom lived in cities and 73% of whom lived in villages, indicating that the majority of Papuans live in rural areas. A slight change in population distribution is indicated by census data from 2000, when 39% lived in towns and 61% lived in rural areas (BPS 2002). The population distribution is changing rapidly, as government has developed new regencies (kabupaten) from formerly 13 regencies to 26 regencies and municipalities now.

      Philosophy of Life

      Cultural values, manifest in social norms, ethics, regulations, and laws differ substantially among communities. A characteristic that may be highly valued by ethnic group A may not be considered good by ethnic group B; important obligations recognized by ethnic group C may not considered important for the ethnic group D, and so on. Nevertheless, it has been suggested that different cultures can be characterized by their approach to five basic concepts.

      Concept of the Meaning of Life

      All cultures in the world have their own concepts about the meaning of life, the ultimate purpose of existence, and how the journey of life should be traveled. Religions usually provide guidance that shape beliefs about the meaning of life. Concepts of the meaning of life vary tremendously; for example, some people view life as a misery that cannot be avoided, others see life is a way to redeem past sins, still other as an opportunity to accept and cherish oneself and others regardless of faults.

      Perception of Work

      Cultures differ widely in their views on the meaning of work. In some cultures work is centrally important, and is one of the ways in which one finds meaning in life. Other cultures view work as a way to gain respect from fellow citizens, still others view it as a way to serve others.

      Concept of Human’s Relationship with Nature

      Some cultures view nature as a resource solely for human use, others believe that there must be a balance between humanity and the natural world, and that natural laws need to be obeyed to maintain harmony. Still others see nature as an all-powerful force to which humans must submit.

      Perceptions of Time

      Various cultures have various perceptions of time, particularly in regards planning for the future. Some peoples focus on the present, and have a relatively narrow conception of time. Others are more oriented to the future, and place value on planning for events to come.

      Perceptions of Fellow Humans

      There are cultures that highly value the vertical relationships in society. Such cultures respect leaders and senior people, and look to them as guides for the community. Other cultures have a more horizontal view, and focus on interpersonal relationships. Some cultures emphasize self-reliance, while others stress the interdependence of people and the need to cooperate.

      These five principles can be used to assess the attitudes of people or communities, and are especially important in determining how a culture or community feels about the future, and how they view interactions with the outside world. These are important considerations for those interested in community development. Koentjaraningrat noted that some cultural values are particular assets that facilitate future community development: (1) orientation towards the future; (2) intention to explore the natural environment; (3) placing a highly value on human work; and (4) consideration of fellow humans (Koentjaraningrat 1974).

      CULTURAL VALUES OF PAPUAN PEOPLE

      Various analyses have suggested that Papuan culture is not particularly innovative when it comes to nature exploration. This may be due to the traditional (and still active) belief that nature has spiritual powers over human life and destiny that are to be feared and respected. This cultural value may contribute to the passivity towards the natural environment. In one way, this passivity is beneficial for nature preservation, as it suggests a harmony with nature that is largely environmentally-friendly. In other ways, this belief may hinder creativity and innovation. For example, although knowledge of the natural world (e.g., traditional medicine) is substantial in many Papuan cultures, this knowledge is typically limited to a few individuals or ethnic groups and is not developed or refined using modern scientific techniques. This limits the scientific, economic, and health benefits that can be derived from utilization of the natural world. However, this generalization is by no means universally true, as some Papuan cultures (e.g., those in Cenderawasih Bay) do have a history of exploration of the environment and expeditions within and outside of Papua. The tendency towards exploration led to expertise in the technology of shipbuilding and navigation in these cultures, as noted above.

      Although many Papuan cultures appear to be relatively passive towards large-scale exploration of nature, they do highly value individual efforts and respect individuals who are industrious and innovative. The cultural value placed on individual effort encourages many Papuans to work harder, which in turn benefits the group as a whole. It also builds a sense of independence and self-confidence in some individuals, and in others builds a sense of responsibility. As mentioned above, this cultural value can be a major asset for community development and improvement.

      If we use the traditional leadership systems and cultural values as a "window" into Papua’s culture, we can see that the premium placed on hard work and industriousness is beneficial in many Papuan cultures. For example, as discussed above, in many big man systems (e.g., Meybrat, Me, Muyu, Dani, and Asmat) the leader gains power through personal abilities and achievements (achieved status). In the Meybrat culture, a person is highly respected if he is successful in devising and implementing systems for the exchange of ceremonial cloth. A successful Meybrat man would be called bobot to acknowledge this achievement. Similarly, in the Me people a person who has good diplomatic skills, is kind and honest, and economically successful (i.e., acquires much agricultural land, many pigs and wives, and cowrie shell "money") is highly respected and recognized as the leader of the community. Such a person is known as leader (tonowi) and rich man (sonowi). The Muyu people respect and confer power upon men with talents in organizing large pig feasts and ceremonies. In cultures where warfare is of central economic and ritual importance (e.g., Dani, Asmat), men with courage and strength during battle are respected and become leaders.

      Anthropological analysis of Papuan cultures shows that two very different attitudes towards interpersonal relationships are found in Papua. First, some cultures are strongly vertically-oriented. Cultures with the kingdom leadership system (e.g., those on Onin (part of the Bomberai) Peninsula, Kowiai area, the Raja Ampat Islands) strongly exhibit this orientation, as do cultures in northeast Papua that practice the ondoafi leadership system (e.g., Tabla, Skow, Nimboran, Sentani, and the people of Yos Sudarso Bay). In these cultures, the leader is viewed as a descendant of a mythical ancestor who plays a special role as mediator between the real and the supernatural worlds. As these leaders are believed to have magical powers, they are widely respected and consulted by all community members.

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