These works include two collections of prophetic traditions, al-Jāmiʿ and Ṣaḥīfat Hammām ibn Munabbih, and ʿAbd al-Razzāq’s exegesis of the Qurʾan, al-Tafsīr; see EI3, “ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī” (H. Motzki).
Boekhoff-van der Voort (“The Kitāb al-maghāzī,” 29–30) recently tabulated the percentage of the materials ʿAbd al-Razzāq derived solely from Maʿmar in the Kitāb al-Maghāzī as 93.9 percent; however, her tabulation is somewhat misleading, as she counts ʿAbd al-Razzāq’s annotations and glosses of Maʿmar’s traditions, which rarely go beyond a sentence or two, as equal to Maʿmar’s fully realized narrations, which stretch on for pages. In fact, all of the narratives derive from Maʿmar except for a short narrative about Abū Bakr (24.3) and two longish narrations that ʿAbd al-Razzāq adds to the end of Maʿmar’s account of the marriage of Fāṭimah (31.2–31.3).
Cf. Horovitz, Earliest Biographies, 6–11 and esp. n. 30 thereto. The account of Sulaymān ibn ʿAbd al-Malik is from al-Zubayr ibn Bakkār, Muwaffaqayyāt, 332–35. A shorter version appears in Balādhurī, Ansāb, 4/2: 490. The dating of these events by al-Zubayr ibn Bakkār may be off by a year or so; see EI3, “Abān b. ʿUthmān” (Khalil Athamina).
Efforts to locate traces of his work have produced little. His material is often confused with that of another author of a Kitāb al-Maghāzī, the early Shiʿite scholar Abān ibn ʿUthmān al-Aḥmar al-Bajalī (d. ca. 200/816), whose work is also lost. Portions of the latter’s work seem to be preserved by Amīn al-Dīn al-Ṭabrisī (d. 548/1154) in the portion of his Iʿlām al-warā dedicated to the biography of Muḥammad. See Modarressi, Tradition and Survival, 130 and Jarrar, “Early Shīʿī Sources.”
Shoemaker (“In Search of ʿUrwa’s Sīra”) provides the most thorough critique of the recent attempts to rediscover ʿUrwah’s corpus in later sources; now, cf. the riposte by Görke, Schoeler, and Motzki, “First Century Sources.”
Cited in Lecker, “Biographical Notes,” 34. As Lecker demonstrates (ibid., 37–40), al-Zuhrī served as a judge (qāḍī) for at least three caliphs, administered the collection of taxes, and was known, moreover, for wearing the clothing of the high-ranking Umayyad soldiery (al-jund).
Lecker, “Biographical Notes,” 25–28; cf. Cook, “The Opponents of the Writing of Tradition,” 459–62 and Schoeler, Oral and Written, 140–41 on the controversy.
Ibn Abī Khaythamah, Tārīkh, 1:271, 325–26: Ibn ʿAsākir, Dimashq, 59:412. On collation in the transmission of knowledge, see Déroche, Qurʾans of the Umayyads, 70; Gacek, Arabic Manuscripts, 65 ff.; al-Qāḍī, “How ‘Sacred’ Is the Text of an Arabic Medieval Manuscript,” 28 f.; and Mashūkhī, Anmāṭ al-tawthīq, 47.
Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, 2(2):136; Fasawī, Maʿrifah, 1:479, 637–38; Ibn ʿAsākir, Dimashq, 59:400; cf. the discussion in Cook, “The Opponents of the Writing of Tradition,” 459–60. The fate of these writings is unknown, but it is significant that they survived al-Zuhrī’s death despite al-Walīd II’s antipathy toward al-Zuhrī. The caliph allegedly declared that he would have killed the scholar had he survived to see his caliphate. See Horovitz, Earliest Biographies, 58–59. The dislike was apparently mutual. According to one account, al-Zuhrī pleaded with Zayd ibn ʿAlī to delay his revolt against Hishām so that he might openly offer Zayd his support once
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