and urbanization in the country began to intensify, the educational system grew both horizontally and vertically. The military governments that came to power after 1964 drew their inspiration from the North American model. They took measures to meet the growing demand for places and professional qualifications, which was also in accordance with their international commitments. The alliance between military and techno-bureaucracy made it possible for large growth in the number of postgraduate courses. The objectives were to produce competent teachers for the universities themselves, stimulate development of scientific research, and ensure the formation of intellectuals who were qualified to respond to the needs of national development (Cunha, 2000). The expansion of education in Brazil continued with the process of redemocratization in the country, with installation of the ‘New Republic’ in 1985. In the 1990s, public policies were developed that were aimed at maintaining children in school (School Scholarship Scheme) and making an effort at providing universal basic education (Beltrao and Diniz Alves, 2009, n. 34).
In the higher education sector, there was major growth in private universities, and the number of students enrolled in them greatly exceeded the number in public universities. This general expansion of places in Brazilian education particularly favored women. In the second half of the 20th century, women managed to reverse the gender gap in education at all levels. They knew how to take advantage of the opportunities created by the social transformations that were occurring in the country (Beltrao and Diniz Alves, 2009, n. 34). For instance, in 2007 53.3% of newly enrolled university students were women and 55% or more of first-year students had been women for the last 15 years. Therefore, all the levels of education sector were dominated by women who were in majority at every level in Brazil, and thus the average rate of schooling among Brazilian women became more than 1 year higher than that of men. However, women still earned 30% less than men for the same work, and even in the Brazilian congress they occupied less than 10% of the seats.9
The absence of gender equity had extended to education itself. School curricula, textbooks, and teaching methods reinforced stereotypes that devalued the role of women and confined them to the home and to low-status jobs and careers. It also projected ‘hard’ science and technology education at the universities to be a male domain. The non-governmental Human Development Network of Brazil pointed out that despite the superior education achievements made by women, it had no impact on their treatment on the workforce, where they continued to face major disadvantages when it came to employment conditions, negotiations, and promotions (Beltrao and Diniz Alves, 2009, n. 34).
The Organization of American States (OAS) on its ‘Brazil Report’ in the framework of the Non-Sexist and Anti-Discrimination Education Campaign by the Acao Educativa Organization in collaboration with ECOS — Communication and Sexuality part of the reference Centre for the victims of violence of the Sedes Sapientiae Institute of Sao Paulo (CNRVV) coordinated by CLADEM (LAC Community for the Defence of Women’s Rights) — are attempting to deal with challenges of social gender relations in guaranteeing human rights in education. They are critical of the Brazilian state’s reports which speak of gender equity (between men and women) in education. These mostly emphasize the increasing literacy and better performance of women in education. The OAS Report puts forth the persistent inequalities among the Brazilian women. The progress in indicators of access and performance is marked by inequality among women according to income, race, ethnicity, and residence (rural/urban), especially Afro-Brazilian and indigenous women. These women also face unequal access to quality education and livelihood (Beltrao and Diniz Alves, 2009, n. 34).
But above all, the reversal in the gender gap has been a triumph that resulted from a historical effort by the women’s movement as part of a more general struggle for equal rights between the sexes that involved countless social players. This did not only happen in Brazil, but was part of a worldwide change whereby the role of women in society was being redefined (Therborn, 2004). The introduction of the various social programs in education, employment, health, and housing by the government produced various levels of success. PBF is considered to be one of the most successful social initiatives undertaken by the successive governments of Cardoso, Lula, and Dilma.
Conditional Cash Transfers and Women’s ‘Empowerment’: Programma Bolsa Familia
The presidencies of Henrique Cardoso and Ignacio Lula and their administrations along with that of Dilma Rousseff had embraced a more integrated approach by bundling disparate programs and targeting benefits to families in extreme poverty. Conditional cash transfers represented a modest share of overall government expenditure and reinforced the trend of incremental expenditure rather than substantial reallocation of public benefits. It began with the innovative program of Bolsa Escola in Brazil. Aiming to enhance educational attainment and alleviate poverty at the same time, the Bolsa Escola (School Income Subsidy) was introduced and was arguably one of the best programs. The Bolsa Escola gave a small income subsidy to needy families, provided that they kept their children aged 7–14 in school. The program’s design addressed the opportunity costs of education, discouraged child labor, and created a demand for education on the part of the parents. The Lula government subsequently folded the federal Bolsa Escola together with other poverty alleviation programs to form the Bolsa Familia, which is based on a single registry of poor families (Hunter and Sugiyama, 2009, n. 2, p. 46). Advocating the PBF, Wendy Hunter and Stugiyama point out, the Brazilian democracy has succeeded in adding new programs to the social agenda that provide minimal social protection. “These programmes further basic education and health among marginal populations as long as they are kept within reasonable financial limits and do not upset important stakeholders. A key factor in the Bolsa’s political appeal is that it does not challenge enshrined social protections to the upper and middle classes” (Hunter and Sugiyama, 2009, n. 2, p. 46).
The Brazilian government’s strategy to positively impact on the lives of so many women through initiative such as Bolsa Familia, Brazil without Extreme Poverty, the National Documentation Program, My House, My Life, Brasil Carinoso, Light for All, Social Assistance Network, Pro-Gender and Racial Equality in Business Program, Continuous Loan Benefits, and through policies were geared toward population aging and care.
The Brazilian representative for UN women, Nadine Gasman, expressed that the publication by the government of Brazil of “More equality for Brazilian Women: Pathways for Social and Economic Transformation” presented the Brazilian governments’ responses to women’s rights. She further added that although Brazil was a country with structural gender, racial, and ethnic inequalities, the positive experience of the Brazilian public administration needed to be amplified. These could be achieved by similar responses through the affirmation the rights of women, those of African descent, and the indigenous populations. According to the 2010 census, women constituted 51 % of the Brazilian population (Beltrao and Diniz Alves, 2009, n. 34).
However, critical questions have been raised about the nature and methodology adopted for the conditional cash transfers. For instance, questions are raised as to whether the conditional cash transfers are an effective way to address poverty and build human capital in the long term, or if they allow governments to avoid making difficult decisions to restructure education and health in ways that would have a more fundamental and enduring impact (Hunter and Sugiyama, 2009, n. 2, p. 39). Other critics point out to the political dimensions that are in play here. Critics state that by handing over cash to such poor families, political parties like the PT (Workers’ Party) are building a strong political support base which will benefit the political party in the long run. Examples are forwarded of this, as support is continuously outpouring for the former president Lula who is in prison on charges of corruption. The poor in the cities and slums continue to support PT despite Lula’s jail term.
The PBF, currently reaches approximately 13.8 million households, corresponding to 25 % of the poorest population of Brazil. Its primary goals remain efforts at fighting hunger and poverty; strengthening access to the public service network, especially education, health, and social assistance; promoting inter-sectoral integration and public policy synergy; and an anchorage-sustained empowerment
