Kant. Andrew Ward

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is accepted as the correct conception of the relationship between ourselves and the objects of our hoped-for mathematical and natural scientific knowledge, then, as Kant realized, there would be no possibility of our acquiring any informative universal or necessary knowledge of these objects. At best, what we could hope to acquire would be empirical, hence only probable, knowledge. On the other hand, if we adopt the revolutionary point of view that the objects that we are seeking to learn about by means of our faculties of knowledge must themselves conform to those very faculties in order to become objects of the senses, then we might well be able to acquire some genuinely necessary and universal knowledge of objects as possible objects of the senses.For, independently of our acquiring any experience of these objects, we might be able to discover, by investigating our own faculties of knowledge, what conditions these faculties impose on the possibility of our experience and its objects.

      The revolutionary point of view according to which the objects of our senses should be taken to conform to our faculties for acquiring knowledge, Kant likens to Copernicus’s revolutionary hypothesis concerning the spectator of the heavens and the heavenly bodies. On the traditional conception of the latter relationship, the spectator is at rest, and the observed behaviour of the heavenly bodies is dependent on their movement alone. On the Copernican hypothesis, the observed behaviour of the heavenly bodies depends, in part, upon the movement of the spectator. This hypothesis, Kant wishes to say, was firmly established on two grounds. First, it enabled Kepler to discover the three laws governing the motion of the planets. Second, it enabled a proof to be given of Newton’s gravitational force of attraction (binding all objects together). Neither of these advances would have been possible on the pre-Copernican model.

      How, though, does Kant propose to establish his Copernican revolution? It can be established, he thinks, in ways analogous to those that established Copernicus’s own hypothesis. First, on Kant’s revolutionary model of the relationship between our experience and its objects, he believes that we can explain how mathematics and natural science have provided us with universal and necessary knowledge of these objects. Second, he believes that it will enable us to provide proofs of the principles lying at the basis of natural science. Neither of these achievements is possible on the traditional model. Accordingly, just as Copernicus’s own hypothesis was established because it, and it alone, enabled us to discover the laws of planetary motion and, at the same time, to provide a proof of Newton’s force of attraction, so Kant’s Copernican revolution is to be established because it, and it alone, can explain how we are in possession of universal and necessary objective principles in mathematics and natural science, and at the same time provide proofs of the first principles of natural science. The theory that Kant constructs, on the basis of his Copernican revolution, he calls ‘transcendental idealism’.

      In order to illustrate how the Kantian Copernican revolution bears on central issues in philosophy, let us return to Hume’s scepticism about causation. Hume – at least as Kant reads him – sees nothing inconceivable in the behaviour of objects in the spatio-temporal world always having been, or suddenly becoming, totally chaotic. Since a state of lawlessness in nature implies no contradiction, it is by Hume’s lights entirely conceivable. Moreover, although chaos in nature would obviously preclude us from connecting together objects, or their states, according to universal or necessary laws, Hume allows – again as Kant reads him – that we should still be able to experience objects and their changing states.

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