A Companion to Greek Warfare. Группа авторов

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       Colonial expansion and neighborhood conflicts

      During the seventh and sixth centuries, Greeks seemingly spread along the northern and southern coasts of Sicily without major violence against indigenous populations. Yet the foundation of Acrae (663), Casmenae (644), and Camarina (599) by Syracuse curtailed the autonomy of non-Greek neighbors, as did the foundation of Acragas 50 miles west of Gela in 580. The tyranny of Phalaris of Acragas in the first half of the sixth century featured aggressive expansion. Diodorus (19.108) details the construction of several military outposts by the tyrant, and Polyaenus (5.1.4) refers to the submission of the unknown local settlement of Vessa to Phalaris. In the last decades of the sixth century, Acragas expanded across the hinterland of Sicily toward the northern shore.

      During the sixth century, increasing territorial competition inspired new or rebuilt town defenses and numerous new hilltop strongholds in many locales. Then, in the early fifth century, many hilltop sites in the hinterland were abandoned, perhaps because of two political developments: the centralization of political power in Greek Sicily and the territorial hegemony exercised by the rising tyrannies.

      During the colonial period, then, relations between Greek poleis and their non-Greek neighbors were in flux. No evidence exists for a united front among the local populations. Instead, politically independent communities continually acted as both allies and adversaries of the Greeks. During wars with Athens and Carthage, Sicel communities are repeatedly listed as participants on either side. Meanwhile, recognizable native elements were vanishing from the material culture by the mid-fifth century.5

       Indigenous ambitions for power

      A significant moment in indigenous history was the uprising of Ducetius, an autocrat of native origin, in the mid-fifth century. Conflicts with Catane led to his alliance with Syracuse and to a joint victory over Catane (Diod. Sic. 11.76.3). Encouraged by this success, Ducetius turned against the city of Morgantina and organized a federation of independent Sicel communities challenging Greek supremacy. Next to a sanctuary for the indigenous Palici, he founded the city of Paliké as capital of the federation (Diod. Sic. 11.88.6). After various minor successes, the tide turned when he attacked the so far unidentified hilltop site of Motyon, manned by a garrison from Acragas (Diod. Sic. 11.91). After the combined forces of Syracuse and Acragas destabilized the federation, the Sicels turned against Ducetius, who fled to Syracuse and surrendered all land under his rule (Diod. Sic. 11.92).

      While the rhetoric attributed to Ducetius regarding the sanctuary of the Palici suggests a certain ethnic self-awareness and “pan-Sicel” aspirations, his strategy resembled those carried out by the Syracusan tyrants, the expansionist Deinomenids. Ducetius aimed to create a stable power in the hinterland, as proved by his early moves against Morgantina and Motyon, and sought allies among independent communities for this purpose. The synteleia of communities, however, did not act cohesively under one leader, as some communities remained independent and most Sicel allies disagreed with his decisions in the wake of his assault on Motyon. Ducetius found refuge and forgiveness, not in his Sicel hometown, but in Syracuse, which exiled him to Corinth.

      Upon his return to Sicily in 446, Ducetius founded the city of Kale Akte, on the northern shore of Sicily, with the consent of Corinth and Syracuse (Diod. Sic. 12.8), but died soon after in 440. Syracuse consequently regained control over all insurgent communities and perhaps destroyed the Sicel center of Trinacria, sometimes identified with the Ducetian foundation Paliké (Diod. Sic. 12.29). In sum, Ducetius was not a freedom fighter for the indigenous Sicilian cause, but an opportunist who became a major figure in Greek historiography. His attempt to gain political power is nevertheless the sole instance when non-Greeks cooperated in order to claim hegemony in Sicily.6

      Just as no common spirit existed among native populations, no ethnic solidarity appeared among Greek settlers vying for the two prizes of territory and power. The following subsections will analyze these motives for violent conflicts among Greeks.

       Territorial conflicts

      Although we know of only one early armed border conflict, one between Leontini and Megara Hyblaea in the sixth century (Polyaen. 5.47), violent disputes over boundaries certainly occurred regularly during the foundation of colonies. For example, the war between Syracuse and Camarina in the mid-sixth century was a border dispute in a broad sense, as the causa belli was the lack of loyalty by Camarina, founded by Syracuse as a buffer against the potential ambitions of neighboring Gela. Camarina revolted only a few decades after her foundation, with the support of Gela and her local non-Greek neighbors (Philistus, FGrH 556 Fr5). After a coalition of Syracuse, Megara Hyblaea, and Enna quelled the revolt, all inhabitants were apparently deported to Syracuse, as noted by Thucydides (6.5.3). Since archaeological evidence proves continuous settlement through the sixth and early fifth centuries, we must assume that Syracuse merely asserted its hegemony. Because of her position, Camarina remained a plaything of outside powers throughout her history. In the early fifth century, she was given as payment to Hippocrates of Gela after he defeated Syracuse in the battle of Helorus (Hdt. 7.154.3). When Gelon became tyrant of Syracuse in 485, he destroyed Camarina and transferred her inhabitants to Syracuse (Hdt. 7.156). The city was later repopulated by the Geloans and continued to mark the border between the Greek and Carthaginian spheres of influence from the fourth century onward.

      Heraclea Minoa, built in the sixth century to secure the border of Selinus (Hdt. 5.46.2), shares this story. Clashes with the neighboring polis of Acragas likely had occurred in the late sixth century, after which Acragas donated spoils from Minoa to Athena Lindia in Rhodes (FGrH 240 F16). Furthermore, Herodotus recounts that the remainder of the unlucky Spartan expedition to western Sicily turned their attention to Heraclea and freed the city from Selinuntine dominion (Hdt. 5.46.2). By 500, however, it had been seized by Acragas and was subsequently occupied by unemployed mercenaries soon after the fall of the Deinomenids (FGrH 577 F1). Like Camarina, the city of Heraclea came under the authority of Carthage in the fourth century.

      The ambitious apoikia of Acragas previously had expanded both west and east, to the detriment of her mother city, Gela. Although no evidence for violent encounters between the two cities remains, the initial expansion of Acragas likely incorporated Sicilian hilltop sites formerly within the sphere of influence of Gela. As proven by literary sources and archaeological evidence, Acragas’ area of control stretched to Himera on the northern shore of Sicily by the first quarter of the fifth century, when Theron from the Emmenid family was tyrant in Acragas and Terillus was ruler in Himera.7 The surrender of Himera to Theron of Acragas in 483 certainly prompted the issue of a series of coins struck in Himera with the Acragantine crab on the reverse.

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